Anything and Everything

Women of Silk River

2010-01-20T22:31:00.000-08:00

Cleopatra. Joan of Arc. Nefertiti. Somehow we have always associated strong, courageous, women with other parts of the world. This February, klpac’s latest addition Kimmy Kiew takes a look at the lives of the unassuming Amahs in Malaysia.

Date: 4-6 Feb,8-9 Feb @ 8.30pm
7 Feb @ 3pm

Venue : The Actors Studio @ Lot 10
Roof Top, Level 8A, Lot 10 Shopping Centre
50, Jalan Sultan Ismail
50250 Kuala Lumpur

Women of Silk River will take a look at the roles that these women played back then. These invisible women were employed to serve the household and make it run as smoothly and comfortably as possible. And yet there is so little that is known about their lives, their traditions, their beliefs and most importantly, the sacrifices they have made to serve the household.

Long before the influx of Indonesian and Filipino helpers, there were the Amahs from China. These women, often from poor families were brought over to work as maids and were instantly recognisable by their white top and black bottom ‘sam fu’ attire and neatly plaited hair or bun.

The devised play opens with the “sor hei” ceremony where their hair is combed into a bun and this signifies their new life as an Amah. And then the tale of four Amahs, a British woman and a Japanese man unfolds…

Ticket Price RM35 (adults), RM28 (seniors) & RM23 (students & disabled)
Box Office Call / walk in: The Actors Studio @ Lot 10 (03 2142 2009 / 2143 2009
Walk in only: klpac, Axcess HQ (Jln. Semangat), Axcess 1-Utama & Putrajaya outlet

Dragon turning south 中国软实力

2009-03-06T02:28:00.000-08:00

Dragon turning south
Josh Hong | Mar 6, 09 2:50pm
Two years ago, I first crossed the Mekong River and landed in Houayxay, a small Laotian town bordering Thailand. It was during the Lunar New Year period and, to my surprise, I ended up celebrating the festive season with a small group of engineers from Guangxi province, China.

They were sent there to work on a major road construction and, due to the poor transport links between the two countries, simply could not find a quick way to go home for the most important festival in the Chinese calendar.

“We get paid 3000 reminbi (Chinese dollar) per month, which is not much considering the distance that we have to travel. But our government does provide lodging and other benefits like health insurance.

“I think we are already much better off than the Laotian workers here. Many of them earn as little as 300 reminbi per month. For the first time in my life, I feel like a king.” One of them said, looking contented.

Touring the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMC) and the once notorious Golden Triangle, I also made use of the opportunity to spend a couple of nights in Tachileik, a Shan-Burmese town just a stone’s throw away from Maesai, Thailand. I was amazed by the presence of the large number of shops and factories owned by mainland Chinese business people. Among them, a Burmese Chinese lady, married to a Shanghaiese, was enjoying brisk business selling a variety of Burmese tea.

“How much is this?,” I pointed at a 250g pack of the famous Burmese green tea.

“Only 1000 Thai Baht,” she said with a sweet smile.

“That is a lot of money by local standards,” I almost screamed.

“Yes. But we have the processing and packaging done by Chinese experts, you know. My husband has invested huge amounts of money into this business; we create jobs for the poor Burmese and Shan workers also. And we don’t target the locals anyway. We mostly sell it to tourists and business people from China and Taiwan. Where are you from actually?”

“So how much do you pay the workers here?,” I probed further.

She lost her friendliness at hearing this and I simply grinned and turned away.

Assistance without conditions

What I experienced in Laos and Burma reminded me of a conversation that I had with Zhuang Guotu, director of the Institute of Malaysian Studies at Xiamen University, China, some years ago at a conference organised by Universiti Malaya. As he was talking profusely on the economic opportunities presented by his country and the great potentials for Chinese state and private enterprises in Southeast Asia, I interrupted his enthusiasm by saying business expansion and economic cooperation are just part and parcel of Beijing’s soft-power approach to create a sphere of influence in the region.

Naturally, our brief exchange of views did not end amicably and Zhuang was rather puzzled by my scepticism. Like many a scholar from China, he found it unfathomable that a Malaysian of Chinese origin should hold opinions that were (and still are) not too favourable to the Beijing authorities.

For them, exploitation and economic dominance can only come from the developed world, be it the United States, Europe, Japan or even Russia and India; whatever Beijing does must be benign and benevolent.

China’s adroit use of bilateral aid, soft loans and technological cooperation has indeed charmed many Southeast Asian leaders, especially those of the under developed nations such as Laos, Cambodia and Burma. More importantly, Beijing, perceiving itself to be a past victim of colonial humiliation, never adopts hawkish tone as heard in Washington and Tokyo, but articulates its willingness to “prosper” the poorer south with empathy and sympathy, bereft of the issues of human rights and democracy.

Precisely because China offers assistance without the conditions of democratic reform, market restructuring or environmental protection, it goes down extremely well with the neighbours. But there is no disguise that the ultimate goal of the Chinese government is to seek to put in place a structure and mechanism in the region that is more compatible to Beijing’s strategic interests.

The presence of Chinese nationals in the GMS is unmistakably staggering. In Mong La, located in northeastern Shan state of Burma and in proximity to Yunnan province, thousands of Chinese citizens cross the border on a daily basis to come here to gamble and to trade illegally, from tea, guns, daily foodstuffs to even drugs. Public gambling is banned in China, and Mong La survives and thrives on it. The Chinese yuan is most welcome here.

The unbridled human trafficking has also created the serious problem of illegal prostitution, subjecting increasing numbers of Shan-Burmese and Yunnanese women to sexual exploitation and harm. To their credit, both Yangoon and Beijing made concerted effort to curb the vice trades, but the measures have been largely ineffective due to corruption and the lack of political will.
People-oriented development

I did try to venture into Shan state, but failed. Recently, I met Ah Long (not his real name) by chance in Kuala Lumpur. He is a Shan Chinese from a village near Mong La and provides me with vivid account of the daily happening there. He became orphaned when his parents died during forced labour by the Burmese junta in 2005 and he was forcibly seized by soldiers to work on a dam construction thereafter. He managed to escape and fled all the way to Malaysia.

“Do you know who funded the dam?” I asked.

“Yes, of course. A lot of construction projects in Burma are now funded by the Chinese government.” He sighed and I was silent too. Since 1988, China has been the largest source of economic assistance to Burma, having pledged as much as $5bn in loans, plants, mineral exploration, hydropower and other energy productions, in addition to $1.5bn or so in weaponry to the military junta.

As for the relatively more prosperous and developed economies like Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand, bilateral trade holds sway and these countries can now hardly survive without the lucrative Chinese market. Cooperation also takes the form of energy-related projects. In May 2007, two Chinese firms announced their plans to invest $343m in an oil refinery and a gas processing plant in Pahang, Malaysia.

I do not necessarily see the greater engagement of China in Southeast Asia as something negative. After all, the region had long been a centre of international trade hosting business people from around the world long before the arrival of western colonialism. Still, the tricky issues, historical or present, between Beijing and the regional capitals will likely come back to haunt the relations if they remain unresolved.

China is yet to face up to its disastrous support for the Pol Pot regime in Cambodia in the 1970s, and the unrestrained capitalism advocated by greedy businesspeople in the poorest parts of Southeast Asia can only breed more resentment and bitterness among the local populaces.

Development is good, but it has to be people-oriented. Beijing is only looking at the short-term gains for strategic considerations, but may one day find itself in the dock being accused of all the historical wrongs committed by the colonial powers in the past.

Fireflyz now flies to Alor Setar and Kuantan from Subang Airport

2009-03-02T03:03:00.000-08:00

Many Malaysians might not be aware or have flown Fireflyz. I have flown once from Subang to Pengkalen Chepa (the name of the airport in Kota Bahru, Kelantan) on their older 50 seater aircraft. it was ok, although took 10 to 15 minutes longer flight time when compared to Airasia. Now i have heard from friends the newer 70 seater ATR 72-500 aircraft that Fireflyz is using is better, and they have given the thumbs up. For me, the big plus is the travelling time to Subang airport is so much nearer, since i am living in Subang Jaya.

My relations just booked return tickets for Alor Setar-Subang-Alor Setar. he is coming to KL in April. He paid just RM78 return, due to the promotion that they are doing now. So for those of you interested to check out the offers, why not go to http://www.fireflyz.com.my/ and take a closer look. Oh, did i also mention Fireflyz would be doing Subang to Phuket, and also Penang to Phuket come 1st May 2009? You can actually starting booking now. I have spied flights going for as low as RM 2 (b4 taxes) so what are you waiting for ? I Looks like competition is hotting up for our local airlines.

2 new videos added -Anwar Ibrahim & Ooi Kee beng

2009-02-18T02:16:00.000-08:00

16 Feb 2009
Jim Middleton of Australia Network's News Hour programme interviews Anwar Ibrahim, political analyst Ooi Kee Beng, on recent political developments in Malaysia and also the upcoming by-elections.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G9zVoIrZQ4s

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bPWTqIgWWsA

We are all Perakians now!

2009-02-07T01:57:00.000-08:00

We are all Perakians now!
Josh Hong Feb 6, 09 11:23am
In Malaysia, they first came for the Kelantanese,
MCPXand I didn't speak up because I wasn't a Kelantanese. Then they came for the Sabahans, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a Sabahan. Then they came for the Islamists, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a Muslim. Then they came for the Hindus, and I didn't speak up because I was not a Hindu. Then they came for the Perakians,And I didn’t speak up because I was not an anak Perak.Then they came for me — and by that time no one was left to speak up.(adapted from Pastor Martin Niemöller’s anti-Nazi statement)I know it is a cliché, but in this anguished moment, when words fail to express the anger and the sorrow that so many people feel over the dramatic turn of events in Perak, the first thing that comes to my mind is: We are all Perakians now!We have come a long way since the political tsunami last March, and the wheel of history must not be allowed to move backward. The effects of the political baptism that had imparted hope and aspirations to the people cannot be annihilated in such a despicable manner, certainly not by a political party that, despite the heavy electoral losses, refuses to root out corruption in its own midst but is bent on shortchanging the people, treating the popular will even worse than dust.
A bogus state governmentAt the rally outside the menteri besar’s residence in Ipoh last night, I was heartened by the multiracial crowd and the carnival-like atmosphere. It seemed that while the people were outraged, they were prepared to fight it out.“Mohd Nizar Jamaluddin has been an exemplary Muslim menteri besar. I can live with a government made up of Malay leaders from PAS, but not Umno.” One Chinese man that I was chatting with could barely conceal his anger.How can a state government hastily formed by nearly all Umno assemblypersons call itself “a unity government”? It is a bogus state government at best.I am certain this political plot that was so cunningly scripted and brilliantly executed by Deputy Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak will not stop at Perak. Rather, it is a harbinger of more insidious plans to come.Remember, this is a politician who had always believed the prime ministership was his to assume – sorts of following in his father’s footsteps – until the shocking death of Mongolian model Altantuya came to light. Since then, Najib has repeatedly failed to shake off his tainted image.If the humiliation at the 12th General Election last year was the last nail in Abdullah’s political coffin, the ignominious defeats at Permatang Pauh and Kuala Terengganu were ominous signs for Najib and Umno as a whole. It was hoped that with Najib in charge, the Malay party could at least salvage some credibility and re-establish itself as a natural ruling party. It was not to be, and the rank and file was becoming restless and fidgety by the day.Najib knows full well to ascend to the highest political office, he must first secure the confidence of Umno grassroots; any regard for the Barisan Nasional component parties is only secondary or may not even be necessary.
What Najib is remembered for Umno is a party that is bereft of political ideologies. Its survival is premised on monopolizing and looting national wealth. Having lost four federal states to Pakatan Rakyat last year and failed to wrest Kelantan from PAS, the Umno leadership has seen its fortune dwindle and the resources shrink as never before. In engineering the political coup in Perak and beating Anwar Ibrahim at his own brinkmanship, Najib has, so far, successfully assured Umno that he is not hesitant to do the extraordinary so that the interests of the party will be safeguarded.Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s inertia over the last few years may have turned the prime minister into an “accidental democrat”, but Umno was made to bear the consequences. The party’s membership is now comprised of numerous contractors and developers ravenous for more mega projects and business deals, rather than teachers and civil servants who earnestly and honestly worked for the common folks as was the case in the 1940s through 1970s. Najib was acutely aware something must be done – by hook or by crook – to strengthen Umno’s grip on power and to keep the Umno-putras satisfied.What is Najib known for? Not any political ideals but Altantuya and series of disappearances and reappearances involving private investigator P Balakrishnan and state assemblypersons Jamaluddin Mohd Radzi, Osman Jailu, Hee Yit Fong and Nasaruddin Hashim. But the deputy prime minister fears no backlash for his top priority is to regain control over the country, beginning with Perak. After persistent urges by others, Najib has finally resolved to act Machiavellian – much like Dr Mahathir Mohamad when his rule was under threat – and deal with the consequences thereafter. We can expect more arbitrary use of the Internal Security Act and other evil laws to coerce the populace as Mahathir once did.Confronted with this formidable man, the (former?) PR government only has itself to blame for not acting fast enough when the rumours of defections were making their round. In making their respective political calculations, the Pakatan parties lost the precious opportunity as Najib activated his communications channel to Istana Kinta. With the benefit of hindsight, the abrupt reminder by Raja Muda Nazrin Shah that state rulers must be neutral and non-partisan early this week was not something coincidental.
Ruler's role is merely formalI have never looked benignly at the Raja Muda’s seemingly liberal thoughts in the past. And the latest developments in Perak only confirm my long-held suspicion that the royal household has been cautiously rebuilding its political influence after decades of silencing by Mahathir.
Granted, what happened in Perlis and Terengganu last year shows that state rulers were entitled to appoint someone as menteri besar who can command the confidence of the assembly. However, in these two states, the quagmires were caused by Umno’s infighting while the BN’s mandate to rule was not in dispute. In the case of Perak, Pakatan maintained its legitimacy to administer the state until the defections took place. The best way to resolve the stalemate should have been to sue for dissolution and fresh elections. In Constitutional Monarchy, Rule of Law and Good Governance: Selected Essays and Speeches, Sultan Azlan Shah wrote the following:Unnder normal circumstances, it is taken for granted that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong would not withhold his consent to a request for the dissolution of Parliament. His role is purely formal.Hence, the Perak ruler’s decision to go against his own wise words is most regrettable. An inauspicious precedent has now been set and it clearly does not bode well for the nation as a whole and there must be a way to address the constitutional obscurity.The fall of the democratically elected government in Perak will have manifold effects. It has enraged the public, and demoralized the fledgling Pakatan governments in other states. And it will also most likely embolden Najib and his cohorts to go for the jugular. United we stand, divided we fall. Anyone who is not willing to empathize with the people of Perak now will reap the bitter fruit in the future.

奧巴馬放手一搏

2009-01-31T20:58:00.000-08:00

奧巴馬放手一搏
民主黨控制的美國眾議院通過數額空前龐大的8190億美元振興經濟法案。這項以增加政府開支與減稅為核心的方案，旨在重振嚴重衰退的美國經濟，外界普遍認為這是奧巴馬總統的一大立法勝利，白宮過後也發表聲明，表示此法案將在今後數年為美國保住或製造300多萬個工作機會。眾院表決的利好消息，迅速反應在市場上，道瓊工業指數28日收盤大漲逾200點，亞洲股市也跟著上漲。但市場慶祝行情維持不了一天，隨後利空消息接連傳出，包括星巴克連鎖咖啡店獲利暴跌，將裁員7000人，並關閉300家店面，美國福特汽車去年度虧損金額也創下146億美元的新高，美勞工部公佈失業人數繼續攀升，耐久性消費品訂單下跌超過預期。各項負面消息讓美股29日開盤就下挫近百點，歐股也全面下跌，悲觀的投資人看淡前景。就在美國上述紓困方案出台之際，世界經濟論壇在達沃斯舉行，中國、俄羅斯不約而同紛紛將矛頭指向美國，指責西方國家領袖政策失誤，導致全球發生金融危機；溫家寶更直言美國對借貸貪得無厭，並盲目追求利潤，造成這場最慘重的經濟衰退。面臨此一空前巨變，眾人都將等待主要工業國家可能有的協調動作，然而，國際性的協議從來失敗者多於成功；以這次“構建危機後的世界”為主題的達沃斯論壇而言，它旨在探討如何回應當前席捲全球的財經危機，拯救世界經濟，但能有多大成效大家心中有數。自金融風暴爆發以來，各國經濟深受打擊，工廠停工、工人失業（單單28日當天就有7萬人失業），投資活動停滯，消費行為萎縮，陷入了“通貨緊縮”及經濟負成長的悽慘情境中。一般預料，若干國家可能因此在達沃斯論壇中提出呼吁，希望調整經濟體宏觀經濟政策以及長期低儲蓄高消費的發展模式，改變金融機構片面追逐利潤而過度擴張措施；加強金融監管能力與金融創新的配合，將不斷積聚與擴散的金融衍生品風險降至最低。理論上這樣的倡議立意甚佳，應會得到各國政府的認同，不過究論實際，其實現的可能性並不大。一方面，在各國金融機構受創累累的情況下，冀其冒著呆帳大幅膨脹風險而繼續增加對企業的貸款，幾乎不可能；另一方面，此時談調整宏觀經濟、低儲蓄高消費的發展模式不免成義過高。因此，估計有關各國政府同步激勵景氣的議案可能提出並獲通過，然而能否有效執行，卻是大有疑問。儘管奧巴馬振興經濟方案獲得國會通過，不過共和黨無人買帳，他們抱怨這項計劃充滿無謂開支，只會虛增美國國債，對振興經濟毫無幫助；眾議共和黨領袖貝納甚至說，他們擔心奧巴馬的計劃編列的一些開支，與創造或就業無關，其中有太多浪費的開支，會使下一兩代被國債淹沒。至於奧巴馬本人也承認，除非銀行恢復正常放貸，否則刺激經濟計劃能夠發揮的利益將很有限，問題是銀行在這個時候會恢復放貸嗎？僅在一年前美國代表在達沃斯論壇還大放厥詞，強調美國經濟基本面穩定，前景一片光明，如今正如俄國總理普汀所說：“美國投資銀行與華爾街的驕傲實際上已不復存在”。對奧巴馬經濟振興方案藥效如何，共和黨人都不感樂觀，其他國家也持保留態度，料將成為此次經濟論壇的議題之一。就企業和個人而言，降低固定資產的持有比例，增加流動性資產的比重，減少風險性投資，避免過度擴張，進而檢視當前資產狀況力求裁汰存精，就成為生存必要的策略了。

2009-01-31T20:47:00.000-08:00

https://mt.m2day.org/2008/content/view/17254/84/

Say what you like, the opposition not only won the Kuala Terengganu by-election, but it won with a large majority. And this was in spite of Najib and his wife campaigning fulltime in Terengganu and the RM500 million that was committed to the by-election effort. No doubt RM400 million was spent indirectly when Najib launched the special investment fund. Nevertheless, this RM400 million was still for purposes of the by-election and no one can deny this.Mind you, the RM500 million is just my conservative estimate. It could be more. But it still makes the Kuala Terengganu by-election the most expensive by-election in Malaysian history and yet Barisan Nasional lost, whether it was by 2,631 votes or 7,631 votes. The police air-conditioned tents alone came to RM10 million. The food, at about RM50 to RM60 per day per person over three weeks, came to another RM10 million. Then there was the outstation allowance and so on. I estimate the cost of stationing 8,000 police personnel in Kuala Terengganu over three weeks at about RM25 million to RM30 million. And it could actually be more considering the normal ‘leakages’ in government expenditure.Then there are the many free dinners and the RM300 to RM1,000 ‘Ang Pows’ for the 80,000 or so voters. Even the press people received RM300 Ang Pows each, though none were offered to the Bloggers, for whatever reason I do not know.Are you happy, Pak Lah, that Najib spent about RM500 million in the most expensive by-election in Malaysian history and Barisan Nasional still lost? How does this reflect on the confidence the people have in Najib? Do you know that the ‘battle-cry’ in the Kuala Terengganu by-election was the song ‘Najib Altantuya Mongolia’ sung to the tune ‘When the Saints Come Marching in’? Young Malays from the kampong who you would least expect to know this ‘Christian’ song were singing this song.

the senile old man's boycott

2009-01-17T20:49:00.001-08:00

Dr M's blog is hosted in the U.S.?http://www.robtex.com/dns/chedet.com.htmlI thought he said we must boycott U.S. products...If you think about it, when you go online to surf or post on your blog, you will most likely end up using the following products and services created by U.S. companies:* Microsoft Windows XP/Vista, Apple Mac OS X Leopard or RedHat Linux operating system software* Google Blogger or WordPress blogging software* Firefox or Microsoft Internet Explorer web browser* Intel or AMD CPU chip powering your PC* Nvidia or ATI video graphics card for your PC* Cisco or 3Com Internet backbone routers that delivers your web traffic* Visa or Mastercard credit card to do your online shoppingTun, if you're planning to throw away your credit cards, I know a particular deserving Malaysian who would gratefully accept them.

麥墨比看好新興市場

2009-01-17T20:46:00.000-08:00

麥墨比看好新興市場
儘管全球經濟陷低潮，不過，新興市場教父麥墨比（Dr.J.Mark Mobius）卻繼續看好深跌後的新興市場股市所展現的投資魅力，並點名消費與原產品兩大領域。惟，投資者必須謹慎投資，並且採取多元化的投資策略。
麥墨比出席花旗集團的「CITIGOLD財富管理領導者」系列講座後表示，基於較高的經濟成長水平、豐厚的外匯儲備金，以及偏低的負債率，新興市場經濟體將成為接下來閃耀的投資焦點。
其中，新興市場今年的平均經濟成長率為2.4%，比較發達國家的1.6%負成長。同時，新興市場也累積了龐大的外匯儲備金，足以讓這些經濟體抵擋外來的衝擊。此外，新興市場國家的債務對國內生產總值比率平均為94%，比較發達國家的233%少139%。
另外，全球股市深跌後，大多數股市估值變得非常便宜，尤其是新興市場股市，只有本益比跌至單位數的水平，展現非常吸引人的投資魅力。低估值意味著未來的反彈空間更大。
他認為，貨幣供應持續增加，並不斷流入資金市場。在低利率與通脹率的環境下，市場將建立起龐大的資金。銀行不可能一直握著資金不放，最終將以低利息把錢借貸出來。
隨著全球經濟將在明年復甦，資金的釋出將流入新興市場，使市場前景看漲。儘管全球股市目前處於動盪時期，但這只是短暫現象。
基本上，他看好金磚四國，尤其是中國與印度將會繼續成為焦點。個別領域方面，他點名消費與原產品兩大領域，將可以帶來最佳的投資潛能。
他認為，儘管全球經濟低迷，但消費品相關領域仍可持續獲得盈利，因為無論經濟好壞，人們都需要消費。此外，中國與印度的經濟繼續成長，也將帶動消費領域的需求。
至於原產品領域，他看好原產品價格接下來將會回彈，尤其是與礦物有關的原產品。
鼓勵多元化投資
他認為，目前最好的投資策略，就是採取謹慎，且多元化的投資。但是，不要完全不投資，因為這會錯過投資良機。如果對本身所投資的項目深具信心，這個時候不是退場的時候，反而應該趁低累積。只要一天不賣，你都不算虧，因為你還持有資產。

2005-11-26T22:20:00.000-08:00

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